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nonprofit, nonpartisan Ohio Center for Journalism in partnership
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A bill to repeal Ohio’s nuclear bailout law has languished for more
than a month so far, and signs suggest that House leadership may be
angling to defer or stop such efforts as Election Day draws near.
Lawmakers filed repeal bills soon after the arrest of former speaker
Larry Householder (R-Glenford) and others in July.
Starting in January, House Bill 6 will require ratepayers to pay
approximately $1 billion over the course of six years for subsidies
that FirstEnergy had sought for two Ohio nuclear plants. Yet more is
at stake, even beyond the $7 average increase in monthly energy
spending that some advocates forecast as a result of the law.
The federal indictment claims that approximately $600 million for
an alleged unlawful enterprise came from “Company A” and affiliates
“in return for legislation that would save the operation of the
Nuclear Plants” in the state. Federal prosecutors have charged
Householder and others with an alleged conspiracy involving the
unlawful solicitation and use of funds for the election of
sympathetic lawmakers, Householder’s rise to House speaker, passage
of House Bill 6, and the defeat of a referendum effort last year.
Federal prosecutors claim that the various actions violated the
Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act.
Quotes in case materials indicate that FirstEnergy is Company A.
Its subsidiary FirstEnergy Solutions, together with other
affiliates, owned and operated the Davis-Besse and Perry nuclear
plants. FirstEnergy Solutions emerged
from bankruptcy earlier this year and became Energy Harbor.
Only about $3 million of the total could be traced from FirstEnergy
Solutions and other entities before the federal complaint was
released on July 21. The rest was dark money — funding to influence
political action whose origin can’t readily be traced.
Rep. Mike Skindell (D-Lakewood) and Rep. Michael O’Brien (D-Warren)
introduced HB 738 on July 29. Lawmakers in the group attempted on
August 31 to file a motion to compel a floor vote. The effort was
thwarted by the House clerk’s insistence on in-person signatures,
even though electronic signatures have been accepted for other
purposes during the COVID-19 pandemic.
That same day new House Speaker Robert Cupp announced plans for a
House Select Committee on Energy and Policy Oversight, to which that
and other bills would be referred, but without a specific timeline.
“Our goal is to have an open and thorough process for repealing
House Bill 6 and replacing it with thoughtful legislation Ohioans
can have confidence in,” Cupp said in a press release.
Skindell, who has decried HB 6 as a “corrupt piece of legislation,”
said the new committee creation was basically just “a bureaucratic
slowdown of the repeal process.”
“We don’t need to study it,” said Rep. David Leland (D-Columbus),
referring to hundreds of hours of testimony on the bill from last
year. “We need to repeal it. We need to send a strong message to
everybody, loud and clear, that Ohio is not for sale.”
HB 738’s cosponsors include more than three dozen lawmakers from
both the Republican and Democratic parties. Other lawmakers,
however, have defended the law, including both co-sponsor Jaime
Callender (R-Concord) and House Majority Floor Leader Bill Seitz
(R-Cincinnati). There has also been some talk of a repeal with a
delayed effective date, but Seitz said he opposes that as well.
Backers of efforts to repeal HB 6 say public integrity demands
swift and decisive action from lawmakers.
“Ohioans deserve honest government,” said Dan Sawmiller, Ohio
energy policy director at the Natural Resources Defense Council.
“The only way to provide confidence in that is to advance a full and
complete repeal of House Bill 6 immediately.”
But the bill’s costs will also certainly play a part in the
debates.
“Hardworking Ohioans will see their monthly utility bill increase
an additional $7.01,” on average, said Miranda Leppla, vice
president of energy policy for the Ohio Environmental Council. Other
projected costs include health burdens from pollution, lost jobs,
and lost economic opportunities.
Here’s a breakdown of projections.
Approximately $1 billion in ratepayer charges would subsidize the
Davis-Besse and Perry nuclear plants in Ohio.
The law authorizes $150 million per year from 2021 through 2027 for
the two nuclear plants now owned by Energy Harbor, which is the
renamed company that emerged from the FirstEnergy Solutions
bankruptcy in February.
“There will be no significant impacts to FirstEnergy if HB 6 is
repealed and not replaced,” said FirstEnergy spokesperson Mark
Durbin. The company has said it is now independent of Energy Harbor
and has denied any wrongdoing related to the alleged criminal
conspiracy.
Yet FirstEnergy may already have reaped huge benefits from the law.
As a major secured creditor of FirstEnergy Solutions when the
bankruptcy case began, the company presumably had a business
interest in a successful reorganization. Previously, FirstEnergy had
said the plants would close without subsidies. And HB 6 arguably
helped the company separate itself from most of its former financial
burdens.
FirstEnergy also has at least an indirect interest in the ongoing
financial viability of the nuclear plants. Under an April 2019
revision to the plan for reorganization, there might still be some
financial exposure for environmental cleanup if Energy Harbor fails
to meet its obligations.
Bill riders can subsidize up to $450 million for electricity from
one 1950s-era coal plant in Ohio and another in Indiana.
House Bill 6 authorizes charges of up to $1.50 per month through
2030 for utilities to pay for electricity from two Ohio Valley
Electric Corporation coal plants. Customer charges for the OVEC
plants could come to about $450 million.
HB 6 let utilities collect the OVEC riders starting in January.
Customers of American Electric Power, Duke Energy and Dayton Power
and Light had already been paying subsidies for those plants under
prior rate plans. FirstEnergy Solutions’ bankruptcy had let it back
out of its prior OVEC obligations, but FirstEnergy’s utility
customers are now paying charges as well.
A repeal of HB 6 might not immediately invalidate the charges,
according to attorneys Madeline Fleisher and Terrence O’Donnell at
Dickinson Wright in Columbus. Some regulatory action might be
necessary to revise utility rates, and regulators’ response is
uncertain. Anything paid so far would not be refunded, based on
prior Ohio Supreme Court rulings.
A handful of grandfathered solar projects would get $140 million.
HB 6 authorized up to $20 million per year for a handful of solar
projects that had already gotten permits. Charges for those projects
don’t kick in until 2021. Other new solar or wind projects do not
get any funds.
HB 6 added decoupling provisions to help make utilities “recession
proof.”
Separate provisions in HB 6 allow utilities to ask regulators to
let them collect revenues pegged to 2018 levels— at least until
their next major rate plan. The 2018 rates generally included a
rider for lost profits that utilities would otherwise have given up
due to energy efficiency. But now utilities aren’t required to
provide those programs after this year.
“From the standpoint of businesses and households affected by this,
they could end up getting charged for energy efficiency and not
receiving it,” said Noah Dormady, an energy and economic policy
analyst at The Ohio State University. “In other words, they could be
paying for efficiency but not receiving any of the benefits.”
Utility rate plans, including those from 2018, also have some
built-in cross-subsidies, which may flow to unregulated parent or
affiliate companies.
The average additional decoupling charge for FirstEnergy customers
is about $0.67 per month, according to the Ohio Environmental
Council. FirstEnergy President and CEO Chuck Jones acknowledged that
the decoupling provision helped cushion the impact of the 2020
pandemic when he gave this year’s first quarter results.
Bill charges for Ohio’s clean energy standards are removed, but so
are cost savings.
HB 6 removed any additional energy efficiency requirements after
2020. HB also scaled back the renewable energy portfolio standard so
the top target to be achieved by 2026 is now 8.5% of annual
electricity generation, instead of 12.5%. However, the baseline for
calculating each year’s total generation now won’t count various
large industrial users.
A May 22 memo from economist Russ Keller at the Ohio Legislative
Service Commission claims that the cumulative cost savings from
cutting customer charges for the clean energy programs would be
about $2.36 billion through 2030. The memo was addressed to advisor
Pat Tully of the House Majority Caucus.
“More charges were cut than were added,” said Seitz in defense of
HB 6. Seitz has long sought to limit or gut Ohio’s renewable energy
and energy efficiency standards.
Keller’s calculations left out any benefits that would have been
gained from keeping the standards in place. Prior law imposed a
cost-effectiveness requirement on charges for utilities’ energy
efficiency programs. The programs had to save consumers more overall
than their cost.
So, focusing only on the cost of those programs gives a “skewed and
inaccurate view” of energy efficiency, Sawmiller said. “Energy
efficiency has saved Ohioans over $7 billion to date. It’s a
no-brainer.”
The Ohio Environmental Council and Environmental Law & Policy
Center found that those savings averaged $7.71 per month, based on
2017 utility reports. And that amount doesn’t include additional
savings due to energy efficiency’s impacts on the electricity
market, which averaged another $2 per month, according to a 2019
report prepared for the organizations.
Using just the $7.71 savings figure, the Ohio Environmental Council
estimates that the average residential customer’s net spending for
electricity will be $7.01 more per month with HB 6 than without it.
Repeal backers say HB 6 will cause Ohio to lose jobs and economic
opportunities.
“HB 6 threatens the gains we’ve made in adding more than 114,000
good-paying clean energy jobs and the economic livelihood of Ohioans
working in those jobs,” says Leppla. That number comes from data
released in June by Environmental Entrepreneurs and the Clean Energy
Trust.
The law “also threatens future growth of this critical sector and
our fight against the ever-increasing impacts of climate change on
Ohio communities,” Leppla continued. Companies in the clean energy
sector would invest elsewhere instead, advocates say.
The law also discourages investments from other companies that want
renewable energy as part of their business goals, repeal backers
add. Other legislative actions since 2012 have also had impacts,
including a 2014 law that tripled property line setbacks for wind
turbines.
If Ohio’s policies were welcoming to clean energy, the state could
add 20,000 new jobs and attract $25 billion in investments over the
course of two decades, according to a 2018 report by Synapse Energy
Economics of Cambridge, Mass. Funding for that report came from the
Environmental Defense Fund, with input from various businesses and
research groups.
HB 6 will also have some health and environmental costs.
“If Ohio’s renewable energy and efficiency standards aren’t
reinstated, Ohioans will experience dirtier air, and we won’t
receive the projected health benefits that these standards provide —
prevention of over 44,000 asthma attacks, 4,400 heart attacks, over
2,800 premature deaths and more — all attributable to coal-plant
pollution.” Leppla said.
The figures come from a 2015 report prepared for the Natural
Resources Defense Council, Ohio Environmental Council, Environmental
Law & Policy Center, and the League of Conservation Voters. Leppla
noted that the subsidies make it easier for the Sammis coal plant to
stay open past 2022.
What’s next?
For now, the timeline to repeal HB 6 — if at all — remains
uncertain. And it’s unclear whether any definitive action will take
place before in-person and mail-in voting starts in Ohio on October
6.
If a repeal doesn’t take place before voting starts, Leland said,
“it sends a message that corruption is okay in Ohio.”
“Ohio, and the rest of the world, continue to grapple with a
pandemic that is having devastating impacts on our economy, as well
as our health,” Sawmiller said. “The state’s clean energy workers —
and their families — should not be made to suffer in an effort to
protect this legislation, which was passed through a process now
mired in criminal investigations.” |